Shattered Trident - Страница 86

Hisagi stopped dead in his tracks and grabbed the admiral by the arm; there was great concern on the foreign minister’s face. “Are you suggesting someone in the alliance is feeding him information?”

Orihara sighed. “I don’t know, Shuhei-san. It’s a possibility, but this McMurtrie fellow is, by all accounts, a very bright man. His rendition of the Battle of Spratly Island was even more detailed than the Vietnamese Navy’s official report. Regardless, his blog has a huge following within the alliance and throughout the world. And now that he’s working for CNN, his postings carry even greater weight, and they are not necessarily in our best interest.”

Both men suddenly went silent as they saw Komamura walking down the hall toward his office. His head was down, his posture slumped, and his feet moved in uneven small steps. Hisagi shook his head in disappointment and pity. “He’s been drinking again.”

“I’m afraid so,” Orihara replied sternly. “He’s been very depressed since his discovery of the improved warhead. That knowledge is weighing heavily on him.”

“It’s the memory of his mother,” Hisagi volunteered. “She died from cancer caused by radiation from the Nagasaki bombing. Her death was slow and painful. Her death haunts him.”

Orihara looked again at the retreating figure. His face now showed understanding and compassion instead of disdain. “I did not know this. It explains much,” he said.

The admiral turned back to Hisagi. Orihara stood almost at attention and swallowed hard. “Forgive me, Minister, for what I’m about to say, but I must. I believe Professor Komamura is becoming a significant security risk. His questionable mental and emotional stability is becoming a threat to the very alliance his genius has inspired.”

Hisagi’s expression suddenly became pained, and he turned away from the admiral. Orihara expected the minister to lash out in anger, but instead he slowly looked back; there was a sad look on his face. Nodding, he said, “As much as I hate to agree with you, Admiral, I find your concerns to be valid. We cannot remove him, though. The other alliance members would never tolerate that. But we can watch him closely. For his own good, as well as that of the alliance.”

14 September 2016

0800 Local Time

August 1st Building, Ministry of National Defense Compound

Beijing, People’s Republic of China

General Su pointed to the map of northern Vietnam with his laser pointer. “As of early this morning, PLA units now control all five northeastern provinces and most of Lai Chau, an adjacent northwestern province. Our rate of advance has slowed, due to the arrival of Vietnamese reinforcements and reduced air support.” Su made sure he had eye contact with General Wang, head of the PLAAF, when he finished the sentence.

“Our casualties are running higher than expected, but not excessively so,” Su continued. “The 13th, 41st, and 47th Group Armies have suffered the most and have been reinforced by the 20th and 31st Group Armies. This leaves only the 54th Group Army as an operational reserve; however, three reinforcement group armies have finished embarking their trains and are en route to the Guangzhou Military Region. That concludes my summary. Are there any questions?”

“General Su,” opened the minister of defense, “in committing two of the reserve group armies to the northeast so soon, I’m concerned that we are leaving the northwest flank open to counterattack. How long before the reinforcements arrive and are combat ready?”

Su nodded and illuminated that area on the map. “General Wen, once the reinforcements arrive, I plan to shift the 54th Group Army to the west to shore up that front. This should be accomplished in approximately one week. Fortunately, the hideous terrain affects Vietnamese tanks as much as it does ours. Moving mechanized units just takes more time. While there is some risk with this deployment, I believe it is acceptable.”

Ye Jin, the head of the logistics department, was next. “General, with the reinforcements, we will have committed two-thirds of our frontline army units to the assault on Vietnam. Shouldn’t we consider mobilizing some units of the ready reserve?”

Su frowned. Mobilizing reserves was a political hot button. Militarily it was the right answer, but some members of the CMC argued that it would have a negative effect on an already unhappy people. To hell with their concerns, Su thought. He was a soldier and he would give a soldier’s answer. “You are correct, General Ye. We’ll need more troops as garrison forces for the provinces we’ve occupied. I don’t have an accurate number for you right now, at least several divisions, but the sooner we start, the better.”

If Zhang or Shi were unhappy with Su’s response, they didn’t show it. Chen had been ambivalent on the issue, his views shifting back and forth depending on who had talked to him last. However, it was the president who responded. “Very well, General Su. This commission will consider your recommendation. Please provide us with the force requirements and mobilization timetable and we’ll discuss it later.”

“Yes, Comrade President. You’ll have the figures by this afternoon,” replied Su. The president’s answer wasn’t what he wanted to hear, but at least the topic was now formally on the commission’s docket for discussion.

Chen rose and cleared his throat, commanding the commission’s attention. “Fellow members, I appreciate the effort and forethought you put into your progress reports. But while they are encouraging, I’m beginning to sense stagnation in our war effort.

“We’ve finally contained the submarine threat in our waters, and Admiral Wei has said that the first convoys will be ready to set sail in a few days. However, the performance of our own submarine campaign is less than impressive. I understand there are many reasons for this, but comrades, we have to find a way to do better.

“And I’m not just singling out our navy. The picture in the air and on the ground shows progress, but the rate of improvement is slow. Let me be blunt. Our military position in this war has improved, but it’s not improving fast enough.”

Chen walked over to the theater map on the large-screen display and pointed to three formations in the middle of the Philippine Sea. “The Americans now have three carrier strike groups within a day’s travel of the South and East China Seas. All four of their SSGNs have deployed, and the two in the U.S. Pacific Fleet are likely within striking distance as I speak. Their submarine forces in the Pacific have also been sortied—there are currently four attack submarines at Guam. Three of them are of the new Virginia type. The United States has amassed a huge armada on our very doorstep, and should they become directly involved, we will be hard-pressed to stop them.”

Alarmed, General Xiao interrupted, “But Comrade President, surely our anti-ship ballistic missiles will keep them at bay?”

“We are still in the process of developing the entire system,” cautioned Hu. “The missile flies, and flies well, but there are problems involved with targeting the weapons that we are still working on. In addition, we’ve redeployed many of the launchers to augment the attacks on Japan, South Korea, and Vietnam. We might be able to handle one carrier, but not three.”

“It’s their submarines that will break us,” interjected Wei firmly. “They can wreak far more havoc than the Littoral Alliance could ever conceive of doing. The two SSGNs alone can carry more land-attack missiles than have been fired on us thus far. If the United States joins the Littoral Alliance, and follows their strategy, the vast majority of our oil infrastructure is within range of their Tomahawks.”

“This is an unnecessary academic discussion,” objected Wang, obviously frustrated. “Ambassador Yang’s reports clearly show the United States is heavily divided. Many of its people and political leaders are strongly advocating neutrality, particularly after the Littoral Alliance rebuffed their president. And history shows that when America is divided, it usually doesn’t act.”

“You’re correct in saying America is divided, General Wang,” observed Shi Peng, the chief of the political department. “But the ambassador also notes the division is almost a fifty/fifty split between neutrality and joining the alliance. In short, President Myles will anger half of his population regardless of what he does. This makes him potentially very dangerous, much more so than the statistics would suggest. And may I remind you that we haven’t accepted his proposals either.”

Vice President Zhang Fei looked depressed. “If the Americans are considering joining the alliance, perhaps a limited nuclear demonstration, say on a Japanese target, would give them something to consider.”

Both Chen and Su strongly disagreed. “Absolutely not!” cried Su. “My apologies, Comrade Vice President, but if the United States is sitting on the fence, then such a move would only push them over onto the alliance side.”

“I agree with General Su,” stated Chen strongly. “Such a move would almost certainly work against us.”

“Then what can we do?” asked Zhang.

“We must push harder, move faster,” declared Chen. “Commanders, we currently have the advantage, and we need to exploit it to the fullest extent possible. I expect you to be bold, even daring. We must take more risks if we are to conclude this conflict in our favor. If this war descends into a long-term struggle, then even if we win, we lose.”